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The Historical Security Council of 1994

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Membership of the Historical Security Council of 1994 Membership of the Historical Security Council of 1994

  • Argentina
  • Brazil
  • China
  • Czech Republic
  • Djibouti
  • France
  • New Zealand
  • Nigeria
  • Oman
  • Pakistan
  • Russian Federation
  • Rwanda
  • Spain
  • United Kingdom
  • United States of America

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Introduction Introduction

The Historical Security Council (HSC) of 1994 will simulate world events beginning on 1 January 1994. At the time, the Secretary-General of the United Nations was Boutros Boutros-Ghali. Historically, the key international security concerns at this time revolved around the unrest in Somalia, Rwanda and the former Yugoslav Republics—notably Bosnia-Herzegovina. The Council will likely discuss the challenges facing the many peacekeeping operations it has established in recent years. However, the Council may discuss any issue involving international peace and security that arises during 1994. Representatives should have a broad knowledge of the world and world events as they stood on 1 January 1994. The Security Council can, at its discretion, involve other States or parties to the dispute on a particular topic. Possible parties to the dispute may include Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (i.e. Serbia), Somalia and Rwanda. As many of the topics the Council may address include non-State actors, representatives may also choose to involve non-State actors.

The brief synopsis presented here merely offers introductory coverage of prominent international issues that can direct representatives’ research and preparation.

For each topic area, representatives should consider the following questions, which should assist them in gaining a better understanding of the issues at hand, particularly from their State’s perspective:

  • How did this conflict begin?
  • Is this a new conflict or a re-ignition of a previous conflict? If a re-ignition of a previous conflict, what led to the re-ignition of the conflict?
  • How have similar situations and conflicts been peacefully resolved?
  • What State and non-State actors are involved in the conflict? Who is supporting them?
  • Is there a role for the United Nations to take in the situation?

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The Situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina The Situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina

After the death of President Josip Tito in 1980, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia began to unravel. A number of its constituent republics broke away and declared independence: Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia and the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The two remaining republics, Serbia and Montenegro, formed the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

Bosnia and Herzegovina is primarily inhabited by three groups: Muslim Bosniaks, Bosnian Serbs and Bosnian Croats. The Serbs and Croats wanted to establish their own ethnic states at the expense of the Bosniaks. Fighting between these ethnic groups began almost immediately. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia—whose government was dominated by Serbs—and the Republic of Croatia also involved themselves in the conflict. The fighting has been characterized by acts of ethnic cleansing, especially by the Bosnian Serbs.

On 21 February 1992, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 743, which established the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) as a peacekeeping mission in the region. It was originally deployed to a number of designated United Nations Protected Areas (UNPAs) in Croatia, where the presence of large Serb populations meant that the risks of inter-communal violence were high. UNPROFOR was tasked with ensuring that the UNPAs were demilitarized and their inhabitants were safe from attack.

As the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina deteriorated, the Security Council passed Resolution 758 on 8 June 1992, which deployed UNPROFOR to the capital, Sarajevo. In several additional resolutions passed between June and September, the Security Council tasked UNPROFOR with protecting the delivery of humanitarian assistance in the country. On 9 October 1992, the Security Council passed Resolution 781, which requested that UNPROFOR monitor airfields throughout the former Yugoslavia to ensure compliance with the ban on military flights over Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The fighting in Bosnia and Herzegovina intensified in 1993. In March, an offensive by Bosnian Serbs caused thousands of Bosniaks to flee to the city of Srebrenica. On 16 April 1993, the Security Council passed Resolution 819, which declared that Srebrenica and its surroundings were a “safe area.” The Security Council demanded the withdrawal of Bosnian Serb forces and an end to attacks on the city. 

In May, the situation was further complicated when fighting broke out between the Bosniaks and the Bosnian Croats, who had previously been in a tenuous alliance against the Bosnian Serbs. On 6 May 1993, the Security Council passed Resolution 824, which declared that in addition to Srebrenica, Sarajevo and several other towns were also to be treated as “safe areas”. However, these safe areas were subjected to continued artillery bombardment and sniper fire. In addition, efforts to distribute humanitarian aid throughout Bosnia were obstructed by mines laid on the roads, attacks on convoys and the refusal of the various parties in the conflict to cooperate with UNPROFOR. On 4 June 1993, the Security Council passed Resolution 836, authorizing UNPROFOR to use force in protecting the designated safe areas from bombardment and armed incursion, or in response to the obstruction of humanitarian aid convoys. The Council also authorized Member States to support UNPROFOR through the use of air power.

The Secretary-General informed the Security Council on 14 June 1993 that this expanded mandate would require additional troops. On 18 June 1993 the Security Council passed Resolution 844, authorizing an additional 7,600 troops to reinforce UNPROFOR. However, as of January 1, 1994, UNPROFOR remains below its authorized strength and finding sufficient funding remains a problem.

On 4 October 1993, the Security Council passed Resolution 871, extending the mandate of UNPROFOR until 31 March 1994.

Bibliography

United Nations Documents

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The Situation in Rwanda The Situation in Rwanda

In 1962, Rwanda became independent from Belgian colonial rule. Prior to independence, Belgium ruled Rwanda through the local Tutsi monarchy. As independence approached, Belgium shifted its support from the Tutsi—who comprised approximately 15% of Rwanda’s population—to the Hutu—who comprised approximately 85% of Rwanda’s population. This transfer of power and subsequent independence was accompanied by widespread violence by Hutus against Tutsis. Attempts during this period by Tutsi refugees and guerillas to fight back were unsuccessful. By 1964 approximately half of Rwanda’s Tutsi population – 330,000 people – had fled to neighboring Uganda, Burundi, Zaire and Tanzania. The Hutu-controlled Rwandan government maintained strict quotas to limit Tutsi participation in government, the military, education and business; but Hutu violence against Tutsis was limited. An outburst of anti-Tutsi violence in 1973 resulted in Army Chief of Staff Juvenal Habyarimana seizing power. As President, Habyarimana formalized Rwanda as a one-party state under the National Revolutionary Movement for Development party (MRND; MRNDD after 1991) and maintained the strict quotas on Tutsis. The MRND maintained the strict quota system against Tutsi, but violence against Tutsis was low; instead primarily directed against regime opponents regardless of ethnic identity.

By 1990, the Tutsi population outside of Rwanda had grown to nearly 700,000—largely through natural population growth—and had developed close ties with the government of Yoweri Museveni in neighboring Uganda. Using those close ties, the Ugandan Tutsis formed the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) with the goal of removing President Habyarimana and the MRND from power. Although the RPF was a largely Tutsi project, the RPF attracted some Hutu support. On 1 October, 1990, RPF forces invaded Rwanda. After initial gains, the Rwandan military, with French support, forced the RPF back across the Ugandan border. The RPF continued to launch successful guerilla attacks against the Rwandan government. Unable to stop the guerilla attacks, the Rwandan government forces engaged in reprisal attacks against Tutsis, killing an estimated 1,000 civilians. By 1992, RPF guerilla raids and Rwandan government reprisal attacks had resulted in the displacement of nearly 300,000 civilians.

The conflict with the RPF put the Habyarimana government under considerable economic strain due to the expense of military operations and falling prices for Rwanda’s two main exports— coffee and tea. Growing discontent and international pressure forced Habyarimana to recognize other political parties. The new political parties, although still Hutu controlled, were opposed to the quotas and repression carried out by the MRND. By March 1992 the new opposition parties had pressured Habyarimana to agree to share power in a coalition government. Under the terms of the power sharing deal, nine seats in the cabinet went to Habyarimana and the MRND, with the remaining 11 seats allocated to the primary opposition parties. Building on their momentum, the opposition entered into talks with the RPF, bypassing the MRND and Habyarimana. In July 1992, the opposition and the RPF announced a ceasefire had been signed and peace talks would begin in Arusha, Tanzania. 

While parties were negotiating in Arusha, the situation in Rwanda deteriorated. Virulently anti-RPF factions within the MRND and new anti-Tutsi parties organized large protests against the talks in Arusha. Several Tutsi were killed by pro-government Hutu militias. In February 1993, over frustrations with Habyarimana and the pace of talks in Arusha, the RPF invaded Rwanda in a highly successful attack before agreeing to a ceasefire later that month. The RPF invasion added to the number of internally displaced Rwandans, rising to an estimated 860,000 people. Further, the invasion galvanized anti-RPF opinion. Many opposition parties split over whether the RPF should be included in the government. The perceived “betrayal” by the RPF resulted in growing popular support for pro-Hutu and anti-Habyarimana parties. Faced with declining support in his own party, Habyarimana began to publicly support the talks in Arusha.

Despite the deteriorating situation in Rwanda, peace talks in Arusha were concluded on 4 August 1993. Among the many areas covered in the Arusha Accords, the two primary areas were the establishment of a “Broad Based Transitional Government” (BBTG) and requesting an international peacekeeping mission. Under the terms of the Arusha Accords, a BBTG would be formed by 10 September 1993 and comprise 21 members—five from the MRND, five from the RPF and the rest from the opposition parties. The BBTG would oversee Rwanda’s transition to democracy with the goal for elections to be held in the next two years. The international peacekeeping mission would assist in the provision of security for the BBTG during the transition period.

The United Nations, already present in Rwanda since June 1993, authorized the United Nations Observer Mission Uganda-Rwanda (UNOMUR) in Resolution 846. UNOMUR, operating out of Uganda, was designed as an observer mission to alleviate Rwandan government concerns that Uganda was reinforcing the RPF. In response to the terms of the Arusha Accords and a request by both the Rwandan government and the RPF, the Security Council authorized the creation of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) on 5 October 1993 in Resolution 872. Due to peacekeeping demands elsewhere and the precarious financial situation at the United Nations, the Security Council decided UNAMIR would start small and slowly scale up to a maximum of 2,500 peacekeepers.

Although the RPF and the Rwandan government supported the Arusha Accords, significant problems remained. The RPF would not have a presence in the Rwandan government until the formation of the BBTG, while Hutu political parties argued the number of seats assigned to the RPF in the BBTG was undemocratic and the BBTG should reflect the actual population of Rwanda as Rwanda was only about 10 percent Tutsi. Popular Hutu opposition to Habyarimana, already strong after the February attack by the RPF, was strengthened. Radio stations, such as Radio Television Libre des Mille Collines, began broadcasting anti-Tutsi rhetoric combined with popular music and was extremely popular. The Interahamwe, Hutu militias formed during the conflict with the RPF, became more active with government and military support. In October, an attempted military coup in Burundi resulted in Tutsi army officers killing the democratically elected Hutu President, which further contributed to mistrust and violence between Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda. The establishment of the BBTG has been repeatedly delayed due to political disagreements by the political parties and large scale protests. 

By December 1993, UNAMIR forces had risen to 1,200 peacekeepers. In the 30 December 1993 report, the Secretary General noted that despite ongoing difficulties, including the continued delay of establishing the BBTG, the parties continued to cooperate with each other, respect the ceasefire and agreed to the establishment of a demilitarized zone in the capital Kigali. Further, UNAMIR provided sufficient security to enable the withdrawal of French troops from Kigali. As outlined in Resolution 872, the Security Council is scheduled to vote in April 1994 on whether to renew UNAMIR on the basis of whether substantive progress has been made toward the implementation of the Arusha Accords.

Bibliography

United Nations Documents

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The Situation in Somalia The Situation in Somalia

Since the overthrow of President Siad Barre in 1991, Somalia has been wracked by civil war. By 1992, the country was a failed state. The collapse of the rule of law, damage to infrastructure caused by the fighting and a severe drought combined to create a humanitarian crisis. In March 1992, the United Nations was able to broker a ceasefire agreement. On 24 April 1992, the Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 751, creating the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNISOM), with a peacekeeping mandate to monitor the ceasefire and provide protection for the delivery of humanitarian aid. Despite the ceasefire, violence between the various factions continued to obstruct the humanitarian relief effort. On 3 December 1992, the Security Council passed Resolution 794, which authorized “all necessary means to establish as soon as possible a secure environment for humanitarian relief operations in Somalia.” To accomplish this expanded security mission, the Security Council created the Unified Task Force (UNITAF), led by the United States, which supplied the majority of the troops involved. UNITAF was able to provide security for humanitarian aid while avoiding conflict with Somali factions.

In March 1993, the Conference on National Reconciliation in Somalia resulted in the signing of the Addis Ababa Agreement, which was based on reconciliation between the various factions, and disarmament of all militias. On 26 March 1993, the Security Council passed Resolution 814, which supplanted UNITAF with a new United Nations Mission in Somalia (UNISOM II). UNISOM II was endowed with enforcement powers, under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, to disarm the factions which had signed onto the Addis Ababa Agreement, establish security throughout Somalia for the delivery of humanitarian aid and assist in the rebuilding of the country’s economic, political and social life.

UNISOM II came into conflict with the Somali National Alliance (SNA), one of the major factions in the civil war, led by Mohamed Farrah Aidid. In June 1993, clashes in Mogadishu between soldiers from the Pakistani contingent of UNISOM and Somali fighters left twenty-three Pakistanis and dozens of Somalis dead. In response, the Security Council passed Resolution 837, reaffirming that UNISOM was authorized to take “all measures necessary” against those who attacked the United Nations mission. UNISOM II launched a military offensive against the SNA in the capital city of Mogadishu. This culminated in the Battle of Mogadishu on 3-4 October 1993, where Somali insurgents shot down two American Black Hawk helicopters and killed eighteen American soldiers. One Pakistani soldier and one Malaysian soldier from UNISOM were also killed in the fighting. 

After the Battle of Mogadishu, the United States announced that all United States forces in Somalia would be withdrawn by the end of March 1994. Other contributing States also announced their intentions to end their participation in UNITAF and withdraw their troops. On 18 November 1993, the Security Council passed Resolution 886, renewing the mandate of UNISOM II until 31 May 1994, but also deciding to undertake a “fundamental review” of the mandate to be completed by 1 February 1994.

Bibliography

United Nations Documents

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Peacekeeping and the United Nations Peacekeeping and the United Nations

As the Cold War wound down in the late 1980s, the United Nations received renewed attention. Without the ideological pressures of the Cold War, the international community hoped the United Nations would be able to serve as a neutral third party to promote international peace and security. In 1992, Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali published the Agenda for Peace, laying out his vision for the United Nations and calling for the need to address the domestic causes of conflict—a lack of democracy, disrespect for human rights and government stability—in order to promote longstanding peace and security. To that end, the United Nations Security Council began a massive expansion of new peacekeeping operations. While traditional peacekeeping missions tended to focus on monitoring ceasefires between Member States, the new peacekeeping missions were frequently assigned complex missions where ceasefires were fragile or state authority was weak. From 1988 to 1994, the number of peacekeeping operations authorized by the United Nations doubled. In 1978, there were 9,700 deployed peacekeepers; by 1994 there were 73,000 peacekeepers deployed worldwide. This expansion increased the peacekeeping budget by 16 times, an increase the underfunded United Nations struggled to afford. The increased demand for peacekeepers to go on complex and dangerous missions made it difficult to find countries willing to provide adequately trained and equipped troops.

The results of the new focus on peacekeeping have been mixed. United Nations peacekeeping missions successfully oversaw democratic elections in El Salvador, the independence of Namibia and the challenging mission in Cambodia where the peacekeeping mission reestablished a Cambodian government after decades of conflict. However, other conflicts proved far harder for the United Nations. The United Nations mission in Angola to oversee elections was sidelined as the country fell back into civil war, years of effort in the former Yugoslavia have not brought about a lasting ceasefire and in Somalia the United Nations found itself first powerless and then effectively at war with Somali militias. Following the disastrous events in Somalia in October 1993, the Security Council has held intense discussions on how to balance the competing interests of “peace keeping,” “peace enforcement” and whether the United Nations needs the consent of parties to engage in humanitarian activities.

Bibliography

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